NOTES:Cf. the irregular yielding of *ʕ- as ḥ, or rather variant roots with ḥ- in TGR and HAR, and with h-/ʔ- in TNA, while in other MOD ETH the lost first radical may go down either to *ḥ- or to *ʕ-; note also a secondary -n- in some of MOD ETH, with *-nṭ- > -ṭṭ- in others: TGR ḥaṭṭäšä, ḥanṭäšä 'to sneeze' [LH 100], TNA haṭäsä, hanṭäšä [LGz 77] (not in [Bass]), ʔǝnṭǝšo bälä 'starnutire' [[Bass 539]; EAST: HAR ḥaṭṭiš bāya [LHar 88] (possibly belonging here are the ZWY and END forms in h- quoted below).
Not quite reliable, since ž may continue ETH *z, *d and *g. Note also ǯärba (žärba) 'back' etc. (below)
NOTES:As an anatomic term has a scarce attestation. Unseparable from such verbal stems as *dbr (1) 'to turn the back': HBR dbr (pi.) 'to turn aside', (hip.) 'to drive back' [ibid. 209]; MHR adōber 'to turn the back' [JM 63], HRS adēber 'to turn away from' [JH 22], JIB s̃ǝdbér 'to turn one's back' [JJ 43] (erroneously placed by Johnstone under dwr); and (2) 'to lie on one's back': GEZ tadabbara [LGz 121]; cf. also UGR dbr 'guiar, hacer marchar' [DLU 128] (with a remark: "existen numerosas alternativas de interpretación").
Besides, there are a few likely derived nominal stems, with diverse meaning shifts: AKK dubur 'Fundament' [AHw 174] considered by Soden a Sumerism (equated with išdu in a Syn. list; see in *šVt-, *ʔi-šVt-, No. ), though, on the contrary, rather a source of SUM du-burçBIRß [IK I 227]; HBR dǝbīr 'Holy of Holies' (back-room of the temple) [KB 208] (also dybr 'inner sanctuary' in DSS HBR [DCH II 384]); GEZ dabarbir 'heap of earth on which monks lean for sleeping, backrest, including place for the back, lying on the back' [LGz 121] (one wonders whether it may be an ironical play of words: dābe/ir means 'shrine, sanctuary, innermost room' [ibid.]; borrowed from HBR).
JIB dǝbrɛ́t 'swelling under the skin on a camel's back' [JJ 43] is obviously a borrowing from ARB dabarat- 'plaie, ulcère au dos d'un chameau' [BK 1 666] (in both cases a contamination with *da/ib(a)r'plague', No. , is possible).
Cf. what may be a metathetic term in ETH: AMH ǯärba and žärba 'back (part of the body), loins' [K 1859] (ž < *d ?) and TNA däräb 'ventre, pancia' [Bass 763] (with a semantic shift?).
Cf. MSA: MHR ʔārdyīb [JM 27], HRS ʔardīb [JH 9], JIB ʔardōt [ibid.] 'nape of the neck and the top of the shoulders' (there is also JIB ʔardéb 'nuque' [LS 326] compared by Bittner with ARB dubr[ibid.]; not in [JJ]), SOQ ʕarédeb 'tresse qui tombe sur la nuque' [LS 326]. It is not clear what MSA protoform should be reconstructed: *ʕardīb with ʕ relying on SOQ ʕ (so in [SSL 5 268-9]) or *ʔardīb with ʔ relying on JIB ʔ (SEM *ʕ > HRS MHR ʔ, but > JIB SOQ ʕ); *ʔardīb may in principle be regarded as metathetic from *dVb(V)r-, with the prefixed ʔa-, while in *ʕardīb, ʕ will be difficult to explain (may it be due to contamination with MSA *ɣārib 'baсk of the neck'? see in *ɣarVb/p'back of the neck, occiput', No. ).
[Fron 266]: (*dabir'posteriore', *dubr'parte posteriore'; both unconvincingly related to such terms for 'pasture, field, mountain' as GEZ dabr, HBR dōbär); [DRS 212]: MND, ARB, MSA (MHR ardīb etc.), GEZ (tadabbara), AMH (ǯärba) (with a compendious discussion on many other semantic developments of this root); [DM 106]: MND, ARB; [LGz 121]: GEZ (tadabbara), ARB, HBR (dbr, piʕ), MND (rightly doubts the connection with GEZ dabr 'mountain' suggested by some authors)
аккадский:damu OA-OB on [CAD d 75], dāmu [AHw 158] 'blood'; also adamatu (and adanatu, with assimilation of m > n before d?) 'black blood' SB [CAD a1 94], [AHw 10]; adamu 'blood' (lex. Akkadogr. in Hitt.) [CAD a1 94], quoted as 'rotes Blut' as one of the meanings of adam(m)u 'rot' in [AHw 10]
арабский:ʔisb- 'pubis, poil autour des parties naturelles et de l'anus' [BK 1 31]; sayb- 'crins de la queue du cheval' [BK 1 1173]; sabīb- 'crin de la queue, ou de la crinière, ou du toupet (du cheval)' [ibid. 1039]. Cf. (dial.) sabāsib- (pl.) 'dishevelled hair'. Cf. sbt (i/u) 'shave (head), let hair down' .
тигре:(?) šäbib 'hair (of the head, of the tail)' [LH 217] (in spite of š vs. ARB s, rather an Arabism)
восточноэфиопские:SEL šǝbäññä, WOL šǝbǝññe [LGr 571], ZWY saʔbi [ibid. 530]
гураге:MUH MSQ šǝbǝññä, CHA šǝmnä, GOG šǝbuññä, EŽA šǝbǝnnä, SOD šǝmuñña [ibid. 571], END šombä do. [ibid. 579]
мехри:mǝnsōb [JM 299]
джиббали:mɔ́sɔ̄t [JJ 192] (<*mVsVb-Vt)
сокотри:mǝ́nsub [ibid.] (cf. also [LS 268; SSL LS 1467]); QALAN-V ʔǝ́nsöb [SSL 4 96]
NOTES:Problematic; scarce attestation only in Southern SEM area in the languages which do not differentiate between *š {} *s and *s {} *c.
According to Leslau, S. ETH examples are Cushitisms, but in view of similar SEM forms, they are rather not (probably with the exception of END šombä < E. CUSH HADIYA šṓmba do.).
The MSA examples of the *mVnsub type look like forms with a prefixed m- and a secondary -n- (cf. ʔǝ- prefixed and -n- in SOQ QALAN-V ʔǝ́nsöb and the JIB example with no traces of -n-).
Cf. a striking parallel to the MSA form in SUM munšub, munsub and similar forms 'behaarte Haut, Haar, etc.' [IK 693].
Cf. SOQ QALAN-V mǝsī́mbǝhǝr 'moustaches longues' [SSL 4 89] (related with a prefixed mand suffixed -r?)
According to both sources, from SUM šà.mah_ 'Dickdarm' [AHw 1156], which, if not for a striking GEZ cognate, would look convincing (SUM šà 'Bauch, Darm, etc.' [IK 922], mah_ 'gross, etc.' [ibid. 651]); anyway, the coincidence of apparently independent SEM (AKK and GEZ) and SUM terms is fascinating
NOTES:Scarcely but reliably attested; only AKK and GEZ.
Cf. ARM JUD summǝḳā 'milt' (also 'inflammation of the eye', evidently a homonym) [Ja 966]; cf. also ARB samāḥīḳ- (pl.) 'stries, raies, surtout filets de graisse collés aus intestins chez les moutons' [BK 1 1136]. Though not to be directly compared for phonetic reasons, these terms apparently bear certain, probably not accidental, similarity to the present root.
[Holma 83]: "Ich glaube, šamah_h_u ergibt sich als ein echtsemitisches Wort wenn man es äthiop. sǝmāh_ 'Milz' zusammenstellt"
арабский:lafiʔ-at- 'morceau de viande sans os' [BK 2 1009].
Cf. laffāʔ- 'cuisse grasse, charnue' [ibid. 1008] synchronically to be analysed as an adjective of the "specific bodily features" pattern (faʕlāʔ-u) of lff 'avoir des cuisses fortes, grosses, charnues' [ibid. 1008]; historically, however, this term can be interpreted as a noun with *lfʔ radicals
NOTES:Scarcely attested; meanings rather diverse.
Cf. a likely related non-anatomic term in JUD liplūpā (redupl.) 'pulp, soft portion of cabbage' [Ja 715].
Cf. also JUD lybh 'fat, butter' [Sok 281] (a variant root of the present one with b/p?).
Note MND lupata 'an inner organ of the body?; joints, ligaments of the body?' [DM 234] (meaning uncertain)
Compared [ibid.] with zimta 'hair, thread', variant root with b/m
арабский:zabb- 'grand quantité de cheveux sur la tête, chevelure bien fournie' [BK 1 968]; zabab- 'duvet (sur les oiseaux ou autres animaux); grande abondance de cheveux sur la tête, chevelure bien fournie' [ibid.].
Note AMH ǯofǯoffe 'long abundant hair (which hangs down)' [K 1874] and ǯoffa 'to have pendent locks' [ibid.], probably related; ǯ<*z is not uncommon in AMH.
аккадский:šuburru 'buttocks, rectum, anus' OB [CAD š3 190]; šub/purru 'After' [AHw 1259] (in some of the contexts refers to sheep)
арабский:šabr-, šibr- 'taille' [BK 1 1182]
тигре:šǝbǝr 'hind-quarter and tail-piece of a slaughtered animal' [LH 216]
NOTES:Cf. metathetic Eth *sar(a)b- 'calf of leg': Tgr särbä 'partie de la jambe au-dessous du mollet' [LH 177 apud d'Abb]; Sel säräba, Wol säräbä, Zwy särbä do. [LGur 559]; Cha Eža Muh Msq Gog Sod säräba, Gye säräb_ä do. [ibid.]. According to Leslau, all East Eth and Gur forms are from E. Cush. Note Tna särbada 'muscolo dei fianchi vicino alla coscia' [Bass 177], with enigmatic d.
аккадский:šēpu, šēpītu 'foot' OAkk on [CAD š2 295], [AHw 1214-1215]
арамейские:Off. šp 'mesure of length (?)' [HJ 1181] (given as one of possible interpretations)
сирийский арамейский:šēpā 'scapus (caligae); mucro nasi' [Brock 794] (with š- instead of the expected s-)
арабский:šabāt- 'chaque côté de la chaussure' [BK 1 1188]; šbb (IV) 'faire faire au cheval un sobresaut et lever à la fois les deux pieds de devant' [BK 1 1181] (also šabūb- 'qui en courant pose les pieds de manière que ceux de derrière laissent des traces au delà de ceux de devant' [ibid.]), šbw 'se cabrer (se dit d'un cheval)' [ibid. 1188]
тигре:(?) sabo 'inheritance' (poet.) [LH 183]; can this represent a semantic shift from 'foot, trace'?
амхарский:šǝbšäba (redupl.) 'handclapping or stamping on the feet with rythmic movement of the body in time to music' [K 637]
гураге:(?) ENN GYE čämba, END čämbä 'sole of foot serving as measure' [LGur 173].
Though regarded by Leslau as loans from C. CUSH (QUARA šānba, šanpā, BILIN šanfi etc.), these examples rather represent cases of GUR č rendering *š; see [LGur LXII]
мехри:ŝaf 'trace, track(s)' [JM 373]
джиббали:ŝɛf, pl. ɛŝfɔ́f 'trace, track, foot under the ankle' [JJ 246]
сокотри:ŝab 'pied' [LS 424].
The dual ŝafi (ŝaʔfi) quoted in [JJ 246] as ŝaf on a par with ŝab, is interpreted in [LS 37] as a secondary development allegedly current in SOQ, of b> b_> f before i. Cf. HADIBO ŝab, but QALAN-B ŝhaf 'jambe, pied' et al. [SSL LS 1472]. Cf. ʕAbd-el-Kuri ŝɔ̄f, sāf 'pied, jambe' [SSL 4 97]
NOTES:A hypothetic *-ṗ is based first of all on AKK p- vs. SOQ -b (note also cases of -f in MSA) and, with reservations, on GUR -mb; if GUR examples are related, the PSEM form may be reconstructed as *ŝVmṗ- {} *ĉVmṗ-. Other arguments, though weaker because of a presumed meaning change, are ARM -p vs. ARB -b (and, less likely, MOD ETH -b).
Cf. CUSH terms meaning 'foot', 'heel' and 'shoe' reconstructed by Dolgopolsky as *ĉV[m]ṗ- [SIFKY 120-21].
Also 'trace, track' (see MSA)
Two other terms, each questionable in a way, may originate from the meaning 'foot as measure': ARM OFF and GUR above.
